THOMAS MORE COMMEMORATION
SERMONS
The 1999 Thomas More Sermon
UNDER THE SACRED CANOPY -
SIR THOMAS MORE'S MILLENNIAL DOME
This sermon was preached in Chelsea Old Church on
20th June 1999
by Dr. Kenneth Wolfe
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The millenium dome is a precise model for the medieval view
of man in society under a sacred canopy in which all culture
and behaviour; the power of royal and civil hierarchies were
placed and protected. Sir Thomas More grew up believing that
Christian tradition was supported by the twelve box girders
in Greenwich that hold up Peter Mandleson's creation. They
might well represent the tribes of Israel but better the twelve
apostles to whom More believed Christ had entrusted his teachings
and authority to Peter and his successors.
Greenwich provides an image of man's endeavour under one
sacred roof: state and politics; church and spirituality.
Thomas More could only conceive of the ordering of society
finally in the context of a response, an offering to God.
Art, scholarship, and liturgy; statecraft, parliament and
king each making its endeavour somehow a prayer to the God
of their fathers through Christ the head of the church whose
representative on earth stood at the apex of this divine and
social order - a theocentric model of reality.
BUT! this structure was about to be rocked as never before;
the country needed an heir and Cardinal Wolsey as chancellor
of England now had to lay aside piety and prayers and resort
more subtly to practical politics. The consequences for Thomas
More were catastrophic - the dome was threatened; tradition
was vulnerable. And across the channel, radical opinion talked
of alternatives to More's singular sacred canopy. There could
only be one church guided by the Holy Spirit; its practices
derived from two sources: sacred texts - scripture - and the
traditions of generations transmitted from one to another
through the councils and committees of Catholic Christianity.
How hard the twentieth century has struggled to realise the
One Church. In 1910 in Edinburgh, the denominations were e
mbarrassed by their competitive divisions; 1948 gave birth
to a remedy which in the nineties, has more or less dwindled
away: the World Council of Churches took the lead but few
semed to follow: the churches were tribal after all. They
might cooperate but they could not co-habit. How sadly Michael
Ramsey reflected on the failure of the Anglican-Methodist
Union in the seventies.
Thomas More could hardly conceive it: Anglicans, Baptists,
Children of God, United Reformed, Heaven's Gate, Russian Orthodoxy.
More belonged to his time as we belong to ours and yet he
saw the signs of the times and something had to be done. He
was a lawyer; the objective of a just society was in his mind
linked directly to his belief that the law was the mechanism
by which the grace of God was dispensed to mankind in the
context of political and moral affairs. Justice was the handmaid
of revealed truth.
The world, mankind, history - the whole body politic had
the blood of Christ coursing though temporal veins and each
arena of human endeavour had its part to play under this God
-given sacred canopy. Outside there was nothing, nothing.
Only the fires of hell or eternal darkness.
Under this all -embracing and overarching canopy, the minutiae
of legal casuistry was led by spiritual forces towards spiritual
objectives. It was finally a service to God - an offering
along with literature, music, humour and cathedrals. Above
all, the intelligence of every man was a gift from God to
be exploited in the service of God according to the rules
mediated through the Supreme Pontiff in Rome.
Thomas More, the founding father of Christian humanism saw
the writing on the wall. He began to see that a species of
intellectual self-consciousness was emerging from the communal
spirit of medieval piety. The sacred canopy was beginning
to let in the drafts as winds began to gather pace from across
the channel. A sort of ecclesiological Euro entered the theological
currency. Alternative ways of defining man in society and
in history was seeping under the doors of the universities,
the offices of state and the structures of the judiciary.
And that wasn't all: across the channel, some sneaky engineering
tricks were slowly gathering pace which would prove to be
more important than the founding of the railways four hundred
years later; more important than Marconi and his whiskers
or Orvil Wright and his flying contraption. Thomas More might
well tremble as he heard the gentle clatter of moving type.
These radicals proclaimed that God's cause - they said - was
advanced 'not with sword or target but with printing.' New
ideas were seeping and creeping and More was going to have
none of it! He took the gloves off; no more his graceful Latin
prose full of irony, wit and elegance. More would now use
all the slander he could muster against the arch -enemy of
Catholic truth: Luther. His attack would not be spared the
most vituperative and smutty images that simply cannot be
uttered in a Christian pulpit let alone in the company of
ladies particularly with civic eminence.
More's humanism mobilised ideas that elucidated ancient
philosophy and culture in a way that confirmed that the Holy
Spirit of God had been at work before the final revelation
in the Christ of the gospels. Printing enhanced Catholic principles,
piety and perception. But now it was spreading a new disease:
heresy - any attack on the church - let alone the king - was
an attack on God. Thomas More was aghast at any suggestion
that there could be anything other than one divine realm;
there could not be two. At root was the basic question: was
the state a congregation of believers ruled by the intervention
of divine grace as revealed by the institutions of the Catholic
Christianity under the Holy Spirit? That was how More defined
it. Or: was it merely an association of men ruled by rational
law devised by men and based on an assessment of truth delivered
by reason? Was it a mysterious or a natural grouping? You
can guess the view of Thomas More.
Where Luther would say "I think that this or that is
the case" More would reply "No! God has revealed
that this or that is the case!" The Protestants were
perforce, striking their axe at the base of the trunk; they
were laying siege to an inherited cosmology expressed in the
structures of catholic rhetoric and argument. The absolute
was being elbowed aside by the relative ª and More was
having none of it! The elevation of individual conscience
was at the cost of divine truth mediated through the councils
of the historic church. Both could not exist under one canopy.
The sacred dome was singular: one God, one church - just like
the Jews: One Temple and only one: god could not be in two
places at once on the Day of Atonement when present in the
Holy of Holies. No wonder the Samaritans were despised and
heretical in their alternative Galilee Temple.
And that wasn't all: William Tyndale - celebrated these days
by an exhibition in the new British Library - William Tyndale
was Lutheran, a heretic and a scholar. Salvation he said,
was by Pualine faith and not by papal works. More might have
agreed had these protesting maniacs not sought to drag the
whole of Christendom into the mud simply because some of its
practices were corrupt. More of course, knew that; but the
attack was on the roots rather than the branches. So - said
William Tyndale - give the Word of God to the people mediated
through the vernacular rather than the Vatican; English instead
of Latin. This was war said Sir Thomas against the manipulation
both of doctrine and movable type in pamphlets coming from
Strasbourg. Gutenberg was born there and this charming little
town was as troublesome to Thomas More as it was to Margaret
Thatcher! Thomas More's world was in a state of profound change
and there was now only one way to stem the invasion of heretical
energy: violence - official measures to be an example to aliens
sneaking through the Nothing to Declare gate at the ports.
They were a plague said More - these 'frantik blokes' were
poison: they attacked the sacrament; they denied the Eucharist.
Above all, they undermined the certainties of Christian doctrine
and thus the stability of the social order under the hierarchical
sacred dome with its towering apostolic supports. They were
the anti -Christ - they were demonic. Conscience ousted confession;
intellect took precedence over induction; personal interpretation
over episcopal pronouncement.
This was the birth of the secular. As Luther's gradually
inflating sacred dome took shape in Europe, his new men were
drawn under it. Not only said Luther, was the historical message
being corrupted by papal abuse, the message itself was in
error. Luther had read Paul's letter to the Romans. Sola fidei!
Man was given conscience to respond to revelation by faith.
More replied 'extra ecclesiam nulla salus: for ecclesiam read
dome. There were now two canopies: state and church - separated
by notions of autonomy. This was war, said Thomas More! His
medieval world drawing to a close.
It was a fearsome division: For Luther, the king was appointed
by God to protect the church. More said No, No! No! The Church
through its councils and the Holy Father appointed the king
to rule in effect by revelation umpired by the senior clergy.
Like Wolsey, they were men both of sacrament and statecraft.
More affirmed that in no regard was the state autonomous;
in no manner was conscience autonomous. But Luther had read
Romans chapter 13 "Let all be subject to government authorities;
for authority is from God and government is constituted by
God." Paul's temporal civic conscience was carved into
the Christian tablets and would become eternally valid. More
had also read Romans 13 and came to a diametrically opposed
interpretation: the state was subject to divine law. So was
the church said Luther. Both are judged. For More, the state
refined the social order on divine instruction. For Luther,
the Church is to be refined with appeal not to sacrament but
to scripture; not to compulsion of clergy but the competence
of conscience. Thomas More's hermetically sealed sacred dome
was punctured and there was now another. The niceties of Latin
-speak gave way to slander and polemic: More scraped the top
of the barrel for the needed slander to castigate the villainous
excommunicate.
Heretics they were and heretics will be burned. If they do
not recant - and many did - they would be in the Tower and
to hell with them and their moralities. It was a nasty spectacle
- unless you lived at the time and could enjoy it all. It
had nothing to do with human rights. More put it neatly: "after
the fire of Smithfield, come the fires of hell, where they
shall burn for eternity." The future of the world was
at stake and this was not a compassionate and fair -minded
lawyer ranged against the criminal; this was the action of
God against the devil.
Thomas More could not imagine; he could not conceive of that
which today we take for granted - that there are indeed, two
interrelated but autonomous spheres, church and state. The
debate about disestablishment rumbles on and perhaps the Upper
House will dispense with the bishops - who knows?! Nevertheless,
sacred and secular are firmly defined. Heresy trials are rare
because everyone is entitled to their opinion!
Thomas More could even less conceive of a secular view of
the gospels and of Christian origins in first century eastern
Mediterranean politics. Least of all, could he conceive the
process which turned a Jewish Galilean preacher into a god
-figure in the space of half a century. These were secular
forces understood in terms of historical analysis; for More
they were divine and absolute provisions with the character
of revelation. The question "What actually happened?"
was not in his purview.
Nor could Thomas More conceive of an answer to that question
outside of what is written in the gospel pages. We know what
happened: Christ loved his church and gave himself for it
- as the Bishop of Norwich said at the recent royal wedding.
That is doctrine and for Thomas More, doctrine was fact. To
us it is reconstruction.
Nor could Thomas More conceive of a historian's approach
undertaken outside the boundaries of catholic doctrine. Indeed,
the Roman Catholic church more or less maintained its ban
on historical biblical criticism until the 1950's let alone
the 1550's! It was the Lutherans who took the initiative in
Germany in the nineteenth century and More would have raged
at any meddling with the sacred text that tore it from its
Latin universal pennant. Translation was desacralisation;
Luther was a demon all the more for putting the Bible into
German. More called him a slut like a London whore. And so
was Tyndale who did the same for the English. Nor could Thomas
More conceive of any leniency towards the Protestants and
their demonic interpetation: historical investigation in our
time was heretical insolence in his: it deserved the fire.
Nor could Thomas More for all his brilliance, conceive of
the quest for the historical Jesus begun some three hundred
years later arising from Luther's approach. The distinction
between the Jesus of first century Palestine and the Christ
of Catholic doctrine would make no sense. But it does to us:
we want to know. The central issue for the survival of Christianty
today depends on our willingness to bite the bullet of historical
research and accept its findings. Our contemporaries want
an intelligible answer to a basic and intelligent question:
'what actually happened?'
Channel Four made it quite clear last night that contemporary
Christendom sustains a medieval strain that looks like both
lunacy and tyranny. Sensible people are being led by con -men
into cults and sects that exploit, delude and destroy: Waco
95, JonesTown 78 not to mention the London Church of Christ
that leads all sorts into despair.
Nor could Thomas More conceive the problem of the Jews and
the anti -Jewish sentiment in the gospels that laid the foundation
for Luther's bitter condemnation of all Jews for killing Christ,
[rather than Jesus.] More would not question that Jesus called
the Jews the children of the devil. This was historical truth
from the Apostle himself faithfully reporting the words of
Jesus. Besides, he did not approve of the elevation of scripture
above the councils of the church; he would be astonished at
the mindless manners of modern evangelical sects. Nevertheless,
in 1965, the Second Vatican Council did apologise to the Jews
and in February 98, the Pope went further admitting the 'erroneous
reading of the gospel of John' where the Jews are the villain
and Pilate the good guy. While Luther created havoc by separating
the political realm from the ecclesial, closer to home, Thomas
More consigned to the Tower any he caught doing the same with
scripture: the church - not the individual - decide issues
of interpretation. Put the text into the language of the common
folk and you produce a religion of the common folk; you pull
the skids from under the pylons that support the sacred dome.
Thomas More was right: pluralism was released like a poison
gas by the heretics and it wafted across Christendom out of
control: Thomas More was powerless. He stuck to his guns but
lost his cause: Catholic Christianity would never be the same
again. Henry had defied the Pope; Luther had defied the Pope;
Tyndale had defied the Pope. Christianity would be privatised,
desacralised, democratised. Unified authority flowed out with
the protestant bath-water. Catholic Christianity was nationalised;
the Bible vernacularised. The legacy for the nineteenth and
now the twentyªfirst centuries is a search for other
aspects of the truth; the process has shifted slowly from
the theologian and the philosopher to the historian and the
social anthropologist: what actually happened? What did he
actually say? Who actually plotted his execution? Did he actually
rise from the dead? Did he actually change water into wine?
The legacy of Thomas More's battle against Luther is our search
for the context of the text and which political, social and
theological ideas gave rise to it? Scholars are at least free
to make their answers public without the threat of a burning
in Smithfield, as much as some would like to! Sir Thomas More
gave a warning to his generation that to undermine revealed
truth meant chaos; he was as sceptical as the next man - but
not of the absolute. It would be centuries before a notable
catholic had the courage to say yes, even the absolute, even
the revealed.
What would Thomas More have said to Cardinal Newman's famous
line: "Spare no effort in your search for the truth;
but beware the man who has found it."
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